Emmanuel Macron is clearly either very brave or very foolhardy.
What is beyond doubt, though, is that the French president is not lacking in self-confidence.
Those are the conclusions that can be drawn after Mr Macron unveiled a policy reform that, the last time he tried it, led to street protests in France and months of industrial unrest.
The president is trying - as many of his predecessors have over the last three decades - to get the French to work for longer.
Mr Macron wants to raise the age at which French workers are entitled to collect a pension from the state from the present 62. He has not yet made clear whether it would be to 64 or to 65 but the former looks more likely.
Raising the state retirement age to 64 would still mean a retirement regime more generous than the UK and many other European countries.
Either, though, would be deeply offensive to trade unions.
If the president does succeed without too much disruption, he will have done so where numerous of his predecessors either failed, or had to water down their proposals in the face of bitter opposition.
In 1995, Mr Chirac and his then-prime minister, Alain Juppe, were forced to back down when they sought to rein in the generous pension benefits paid to civil servants in demonstrations that left much of France paralysed by strikes and demonstrations.
There were similar demonstrations, involving more than one million protestors, when in 2003 another prime minister, Jean-Pierre Raffarin, sought to make public sector employees work for 40 years to qualify for a pension, as was the case with their peers in the private sector. That measure actually made it onto the statute book despite weeks of strikes.
Mr Sarkozy was more successful when, in 2010, he sought to raise the retirement age from 60 to 62, although again it only came after weeks of sapping strikes and demonstrations involving millions of people.
But Mr Macron himself had to back down when, in 2020, he sought to create a single universal state retirement plan to replace the 42 individual plans then in place and introduce a points system that linked the pension paid to the contributions a worker had made during their career.
The proposals led to the longest strike in French history and were abandoned at the outset of the COVID pandemic.
Now he is having another go.
The prize, though, makes it worth a try. France, like other European countries including the UK, is grappling with shortages of skilled workers due, in no small part, to people taking early retirement.
So anything he can do to get people to stay longer in the workforce will have economic benefits as well as saving taxpayers money.
Mr Macron will also have noted the rewards reaped by other European countries that have been prepared to engage in bold welfare reforms.
Among the most successful in this regard has been Germany.
It has enjoyed a sharp reduction in unemployment since its former chancellor, Gerhard Schroder, pushed through a series of reforms to the country's welfare state from 2003 to 2004.
The flagship changes, called 'Hartz IV' after the former Volkswagen personnel director who came up with them, dramatically cut unemployment benefits (previously, unbelievably, paid at a rate of 60% of an unemployed person's pay in their last job) and for the first time obliged unemployed people to accept offers of work.
Germany was rewarded by a drop in its jobless rate from 12.6% in 2005 to just 3% as of November last year.
It is understandable, then, why Mr Macron has decided to nail so much of his reputation and personal political capital to pensions reform.
Be in no doubt, though, it is going to be explosive. France can expect a year of industrial unrest.